Austria’s state-owned company OMV ended its long-term gas supply agreement with Gazprom at the close of 2024. This decision cut Austria’s Russian gas imports by an estimated one point eight to two point seven billion cubic meters each quarter. The reduction played a major part in the sharp drop of roughly four billion cubic meters in EU gas imports during the first quarter of 2025.
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If a ceasefire or peace agreement is reached in Ukraine, European governments may find it easier to justify buying more Russian gas again. A calmer political environment could open the door for renewed energy cooperation, including the possibility of restarting certain pipeline flows or signing new supply agreements as part of wider diplomatic discussions. Any shift would likely depend on how the peace terms are structured and on the political mood within each EU country.
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The energy sectors of certain countries could become vulnerable to sanctions if political conditions change. For example, if a state-owned subsidiary repeatedly violates international rules such as the Russian oil price cap or sanctions on Iranian crude, and quiet diplomatic pressure fails to correct the behavior, the United States or the European Union might conclude that stronger action is necessary. In such a case, they could impose direct sanctions to send a clear deterrent message, even if it means targeting a company tied to a strategic partner.
Why might you be wrong?
Imposing sanctions on state-owned oil and gas companies would come at a very high cost both diplomatically and economically. Such measures could disrupt vital security cooperation, weaken counterterrorism efforts, and destabilize broader regional partnerships. These countries also play an essential role in Middle East diplomacy, particularly in efforts to achieve peace and stability, including negotiations related to Gaza. Sanctions could therefore strain relationships and undermine progress on key regional issues
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Tech companies have a lot of power and influence. Big tech firms and industry leaders often have close connections with the government, so they would probably try to block strict rules or slow down any major regulations.
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A big AI accident or security problem could push politicians to act fast. If something goes wrong—like a serious breach or harmful technology there would be strong pressure to create new rules quickly to prevent it from happening again.
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At the same time, the May 2025 crisis showed that both sides can manage tensions. Direct military communication helped prevent escalation and kept the ceasefire stable for months, proving that crisis management mechanisms can work even under severe strain.
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India’s withdrawal from the Indus Water Treaty strikes at Pakistan’s core security, since the treaty covers most of its water supply. Islamabad views interference with river flows as an existential threat, raising the risk of escalation.
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Two products Wysa and PathChat DX are already moving through the FDA process, with applications submitted years ago. While both could technically reach a decision by March 2026, the unusually long review timelines raise doubts about how quickly they will clear.
Why might you be wrong?
FDA progress has been further slowed by the government shutdown and large staff cuts in April 2025. With fewer reviewers and the added difficulty of evaluating new LLM-based technologies, approvals within this window are unlikely.