Barco

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While the 30-year base rate for cross-border territorial skirmishes (resulting in fatalities) in South Asia is exceedingly high (South Asian aggregate ~43 percent; Indo-Pakistan ~86 percent), it is far lower for the Sino-Indian Ladakh region, averaging ~2.1 percent in any given year (from 1990-2024), based on data from the Issue Correlates of War (ICOW) project, ICOW  territorial claims dataACCLED data, and other reporting. I started with the global base rate on territorial disputes (~3 percent), broke these down by region to focus on South Asia more generally, and further still to arrive at a Sino-Indian base rate of approximately 0.21 average over 35+ years (1990-2024 = ~ 0.03; 2010-2024 = ~ 0.07). These rates, of course, can vary significantly due to geopolitical conditions, accidents, or other externalities.

This estimate could shift markedly due to changing conditions on the ground, such as accidents, shifting alliances, or military escalation (inside view). Several factors could shift this assessment, such as the escalating conflict between India and Pakistan, driving a large military buildup along its already securitized border, broad opportunities for miscalculation, or interstate military support increasing hostilities (e.g., Chinese weapons sent to Pakistan). With China's strong backing of Pakistan and the U.S. historical support for India, there is an opportunity for political miscalculation and escalation. These dynamics pushed my estimate from the long-term average rate of ~ 2 percent to ~ 4 percent (although it wouldn't take much to shift these markedly). 

China and India have reached agreements to de-escalate border tensions, leaning towards cooperation. Additionally, the country has begun to promote tourism in the disputed region to diversify its economy. It is in China's interest to support Pakistan as a mediator of the conflict and let the U.S. and its allies work to restrain India. Any cross-border conflict between the two states could rapidly spiral out of control. 

However, the new Administration's protectionist policies, coupled with Beijing's global, expansionist ambitions, are a bit of a wild card; on the one hand, the U.S. is engaging with India on keeping the peace but not offering the level of support it may have in the past, perhaps opening up a chance for China to fill an even greater role in brokering peace. 

Thus, my near-term expectation is for China to focus its expansionist efforts elsewhere (e.g., in the South China Sea) while India and Pakistan are engaged in conflict or negotiations. While the chance of a bolt-from-the-blue escalation or accident is worryingly high, the most likely path for this region is to try to maintain stability.


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If this assessment moves in the opposite direction, which could be likely, given the high uncertainty, I think two leading contenders could be:

1) Politics. I could see tensions escalate, perhaps due to arms sales to India or Pakistan, increasing the rhetoric and perhaps violence across the disputed border. There are already reports on the depth of China's involvement in Pakistani military buildup, including reports of upgrading their strategic weapons systems.

2) Accident. With an increasingly securitized border, active operations, and increasing rhetoric, the chance for an ill-considered move at the disputed border region could be higher than we'd like to admit. This could be through further Chinese expansion, testing the limits as always, or Indian national sentiment driving forces to secure segments (however small) claimed by China, block highways, or inadvertently start a firefight (with the wrong party). 

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LogicCurve
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Nice rationale, ⭐️

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While President Trump's approval rating stabilized following the backtrack on Tariffs, it is unlikely to rise above 45 percent by August 1, 2025. While there has historically been a narrow range for his approval rating, averaging 41 percent over the first and second terms, there are several domestic and foreign policy stories that could shift his approval rating downward.

First is the continued discussion of a recession and policies widely considered detrimental to the economy, such as tariffs, export controls on technology, and cutting off funding for basic science research. While clear indicators of a recession have not materialized, serious experts are warning that current policies could lead to a downturn.

Second are potential signals of disaffection among the base over various policies (e.g., theories of replacing recently fired federal employees with AI systems, creating a centralized database of U.S. Persons, etc.). Third are several foreign policy crises that the president promised to resolve in his first year in office that appear to be only worsening, with an uptick in political violence and broken cease-fire agreements (in Gaza and the Russian-Ukraine conflict).

While I give the potential for an approval rating above 45 percent a 20 percent chance, an increase in signals of a recession or a significant foreign policy blunder could decrease this number (5 or 10 percent).


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The Trump Administration's approval rating is highly uncertain (with historically unpredictable policy choices). The primary reason this could be incorrect would be a miscalculation of the stability of Trump voters or increasing favorability by independents. A number of polls show the percentage of independents increasing significantly, making up approximately 40 percent of the electorate, according to Gallup. Since the administration has had an approval rating that averages around 30 percent with independent voters, this increasing margin should signal a possible decrease; however, an increase in approval among independents could have the opposite effect. 

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LogicCurve
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Nice rationale
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According to the National Interagency Fire Center, the number of acres burned in the U.S. was already over 1.1 million (close to the ten-year average of 1.2 million), making it highly probable to surpass 1,283,147 acres. Additionally, the U.S. is currently facing drought conditions in regions that have historically been prone to wildfires (e.g., the Pacific Northwest), which will exacerbate conditions. With the summer fire season in the U.S. just beginning and Canada already reporting near-record wildfire activity, it's highly probable that wildfire activity will exceed 1,283,147 acres. 

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If this forecast turns out to be incorrect, it could be that fire control measures in the U.S. have been much more effective than anticipated, or potentially that measurements have been inaccurate.  

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While the situation remains unpredictable, regional reaction to the U.S. Administration's tariff policies seems more likely to decrease the likelihood of conflict. Russia's recent bid to revive a "Strategic triangle" with China and India as a counterbalance to the West points in the direction of increased cooperation over escalation. 

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This forecast could be incorrect for several reasons, but the primary reason may be an accident leading to escalation or additional unpredictable policy moves by the U.S. Administration that alter the dynamic. 

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