0.820286
Relative Brier Score
71
Forecasts
2
Upvotes
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| Past Week | Past Month | Past Year | This Season | All Time | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
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Star Commenter - Oct 2025
Why do you think you're right?
Why might you be wrong?
https://www.cnn.com/2025/08/25/africa/russia-africa-corps-wagner-intl-cmd - the group being folded into the Russian Ministry of Defense might not make much of an operational difference after all.
Why do you think you're right?
https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/entities/publication/4cffb130-9a22-4e6d-9698-f138782a7357 ... After IMF 2024 intervention Egypt has been on a steady economic recovery
Why might you be wrong?
Regional politics and the situation in Gaze is still fragile
Why do you think you're right?
Why might you be wrong?
A strategic surprise attack must always be considered given Chinese behavior and blatant statements about taking Taiwan
Why do you think you're right?
High likelihood of question being voided, but peace efforts continue and there will hopefully be an actual ceasefire one day to start, but betting one a short one if, any at all
Why might you be wrong?
If the situation in Russia somehow deteriorates extraordinarily fast, which I am not betting on
Why do you think you're right?
Dominance of Major Power Rivalries: The primary security dynamics in the MENA region are currently centered on the rivalries involving the excluded major powers (Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Israel). Most security cooperation, whether formal or informal (e.g., Abraham Accords-related multilateralism, the Saudi-Pakistan defense pact), either includes one of these major actors or is explicitly designed to counter one of them. The security interests of smaller states are often tied to, and sometimes dictated by, these larger blocs, making a truly independent, three-state agreement less likely to be a priority or to succeed.
Existing, Partially Functional Structures: The MENA region already has multiple, albeit often dysfunctional, multilateral bodies like the Arab League, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), and the Arab Maghreb Union. Creating a new security pact outside of these frameworks, yet also excluding the four most powerful security actors, suggests a niche, sub-regional focus. While possible, the impetus for a new, formal, non-major-power-led security arrangement appears low compared to other, more pressing diplomatic goals (e.g., reconstruction, de-escalation, economic corridor development).
Regional Fragmentation and Transactionalism: The North Africa (Maghreb) and Levant sub-regions are marked by significant internal political instability, conflict, and a trend toward "tactical diplomacy" and transactional, bilateral deals rather than ambitious, comprehensive multilateral frameworks. For example, North African states prioritize narrowly-scoped, short-term deals on issues like migration and energy, which are less likely to evolve quickly into a formal, new multilateral security pact.
Why might you be wrong?
Focus on North Africa or the Levant: The most probable location for such an agreement would be a sub-region where the excluded major powers have less direct security dominance.
North Africa: An agreement between three Maghreb or North African states (e.g., Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya/Egypt) focused on border security, counter-terrorism, or migration control could emerge, especially given the EU's push for regional cooperation (like the planned "New Pact for the Mediterranean" which includes a security component).
The Levant: A pact involving states like Jordan, Lebanon, and Egypt (or Iraq) focused on border stability, post-conflict reconstruction security, or countering non-state actors is plausible, as these nations are often caught between the interests of the major regional powers and could seek to establish a "neutral" buffer.
Security in Non-Traditional Areas: The agreement might be publicly announced under the banner of a less traditional security issue, which allows for broader, less-politicized membership. Examples could include:
Cyber/Data Security: Cooperation between states like the UAE (if Qatar/Bahrain are also excluded from the "major power" list), Egypt, and Jordan on emerging security threats related to technology.
Maritime Security: A non-GCC/non-Israel pact focusing on the Red Sea or East Mediterranean.